I Saloge Arung Weteng adalah putri La Maggumette Arung Sinri dan Maggoro Arung Galung, La Maggumette Arung Sinri adalah Putra dari Sitti Maemunah Dala Marusu yang menikah dengan Lapatau Matanna Tikka Sultan Alimuddin Idris Matinroe ri Naga Uleng Raja Bone ke XVI, adapun Sitti Maemunah Dala Marusu adalah keturunan Karaeng Loe ri Marusu yang dipaparkan oleh :
W. CUMMINGS
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle
This article presents a translation and discussion of a previously unknown
Maros Chronicle that resembles the Goa and Talloq chronicles in length and
complexity. It contrasts strongly with the short chronicle of Maros commonly
found in Makassarese historical codexes and published in B.F. Matthes'
Makassaarsche chrestomathie (Matthes 1883:205-7). This common version is little
more than an outline of Maros' rulers until the end of the sixteenth century,
while the Maros Chronicle presented here both is more fleshed out in
terms of contents and continues the story down to the nineteenth century. As
such, this Maros Chronicle represents an important new source of historical
information about pre-modern South Sulawesi.
This article first discusses the manuscript itself. Then a transliteration and
translation of the text is given. This is followed by sections discussing what
the text reveals about the history of Maros, what it suggests about the writing
of chronicles in Makassar, and how it may relate to and illuminate events
during the period in which it was written. Any historical text stands at an
intersection from which we can look in three different directions: a referential
reading tells US of the past it recounts, a narrative reading tells US how
accounts of the past were constructed, and a contextual reading tells US of the
social and politica1 context in which it was written. What we see when we
look at Indonesian historical manuscripts depends to a large degree on which
of these readings we prefer. We begin our readings with a consideration of
the Maros Chronicle manuscript.
The Maros Chronicle manuscript
The text of the Maros Chronicle presented here comes from a microfilmed
manuscript at the Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Wilayah Sulawesi
Selatan, in Ujung Pandang, Indonesia, catalogue number 18/23. It is the only
text in the manuscript. In contrast to most Makassarese chronicles, it was
1 WILLIAM CUMMINGS is an instructor at the University of South Florida who graduated from the
University of Hawaii, specializing in Southeast Asian and ethnographic history. His publications
I include "'Only One People but Two Rulers"; Hiding the Past in Seventeenth-Century Makasarese
Chronicles', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 155-1:97-120. Dr. Cummings may be
contacted at 4202 E. Fowler Ave., FA0'230, University of South Florida, Tampa, FL 33620, USA.
W. Cummings
written as a separate work and was not placed within a codex of historica1
texts. The text is dated 1889 and was made available for microfilming by the
original owner, Andi Fachry Makkasau of Maros. The manuscript is twentysix
pages long. More interesting than the length, however, are the paper and
the manner of writing.
Even when viewed on microfilm, it is evident that the paper used by the
writer is the Same as that used by Dutch colonial presses to print Makassarese
texts. The decorative border on the paper is identical to that of the titlepage
of the Makassaarsche chrestomathie (Matthes 1860). Co it could only have
come from the handful of Dutchmen involved in typesetting and printing
these texts in the town of Makassar. The writer's name was I Sahban Daeng
Masikki, and he composed the chronicle in Kasikeqboq (Maros) in 1889, but
there is no further information about him. Most likely he was one of the
Makassarese linguistic assistants involved in acquiring and translating texts
for Matthes or another scholar. Because he had access to genealogies and the
shorter chronicle of Maros, the writer is certain to have come from the Maros
royal family. On this paper, Daeng Masikki's orthography deliberately mimicked
that of the Bugis-Makassarese font developed for the Makassaarsche
chrestomathie. Indeed, at first glance the reader might think the work was
printed, so carefully did the author imitate this font. The sigmficance of this
mimicry is addressed later.
Unlike many published texts from South Sulawesi, the Maros Chronicle is
a prose work not using metre or other poetic elements. Instead, the text is
divided int0 eighteen sections. The different sections are separated in many
cases by the Arabic word 'Intiha", in other cases by a blank line. Each section
in the text after the first, introductory section typically correlates with the
reign of a particular ruler of Maros. Below, each section is treated as a unit
and is presented first in English translation and then in the original. This
form of presentation, rather than a side-by-side one with a division int0 lines,
as if the work were poetic, best captures the nature of the text. For convenience
sake, I have numbered each section, though they are not numbered in
the original.
The Maros Chronicle
1. This is the story of ancestors of the people of Maros. May I not be
cursed, may I not be destroyed, naming the karaeng, telling of the
ancient Karaengs of Maros. Those who recline on royal beds, those who
rest on royal beds, those who are of the purest gold, the chain of kings.
This is recited so that nothing wil1 be forgotten by our children, by our
grandchildren, by our descendants. Because if it is not known, there are
Rending the Histories o f a Maros Chronicle . 3
two dangers: either we will fee1 ourselves to be karaeng too, or outsiders
will cal1 US common people. The end.
Anne patturioloanga ri tuMarusuq. Iangku mabassung iangku
maweke-weke anngarengi ambilang-bilangi karaeng rio10 ri Marusuq.
Lulu gulang-gulanga assi palakkaya bulaeng nipanninga ratu sikolaka.
Nikamallakkannaji nikaluppai ri anaqna ri cucuna ri turibokona.
Kapunna taniassenga ruai kodina kiqsaringkai kalenta karaeng dudu
nakanaka tau ipantaraka tau bawang-dudu. Intiha'.
2. There'was no wife, no children. Gallarrang Pakere.and Daeng Massiang
recounted: Karaeng Loe of Pakere was the first karaeng in Mar0s.l He
was a tumanurung, because his origins are unknown, his personal name
is unknown. He descended in Pakere at a time when the people of
Maros ate each other like fishes. At this time there was no karaeng who
is spoken of. Nothing thrived during harvest time. Rain came down in
Asarang. There was thunder for seven days and seven nights. Good
weather never came. Then a palace appeared, standing in the centre of
a field in Pakere. Then a person appeared, sitting in front of the palace
stairs. Al1 the people who had heard [of him] came to pay homage. They
told the tumanurung to become their karaeng. He was then called
Karaeng Loe of Pakere.
Teai bainena teai anaqna. Gallarrang Pakereta siagang Daeng Massiang
akana-kanai Karaeng Loe ri Pakere uru Karaeng ri Marusuq. Iaminne
tumanurung kateana niassengi assalaqna taenamo niassengi areng
kalenna. Naia manurung ri Pakere ri wattuna tauwa ri Marusuq sikanre
balei. Anjo wattuna taena karaeng ri langere kana-kanata. Taenatomo
najari wattu lamunga. Naturummo bosia Asarang. Iami gunturuka 7
allo 7 banggi. Talebaki nabattumosing baraka. Naniaqmo ammenteng
saoraja ri tanngana parangang ri Pakere. Naniaqtomo seqre tau
ammempo ri dallekanna tu ka sapanaya. Nabattu ngasemmo tau jai
Makassarese contained a variety of titles to denote social ranks. Karaeng means 'ruler' or
'lord', and indicates a noble of high rank. According to many origin stories in South Sulawesi,
the first karaeng of a community was a being who descended from the heavens, with white blood
flowing in his or her veins, often bearing sacred objects. Tumanurung means 'the person who
descended.' Karaeng loe means 'great lord' and was often used to distinguish the ruler of a particular
area from other karaeng. The highest Makassarese title, sornba, was reserved for the ruler
of Goa. Gallarrang, loqnloq, toqdoq, kare, and datu were titles used by local chefs who typically
came under the authority of a karaeng. In both Goa and Maros there were councils of chiefs who
advised the karaeng; in Goa this was called the Bate Salapang ('Nine Banners') and in Maros the
Matoa Andi ('Noble Headmen').
W. Curnrnings
sikontu malangereka assombai. Nanapawammo anjari karaeng.
Nanikanami Karaeng Loe ri Pakere.
3. This Karaeng Loe of Pakere was the first karaeng. During his reign the
crops thrived. Many people came from outside the cornmunity to live in
Maros. At this time no one knew the area of Karaeng Loe's authority, but
in al1 the lands between Bone and Goa al1 paid homage to Karaeng Loe
of Maros. The wife of Karaeng Loe of Pakere is unknown, but he found
a female turnanurung in Pasadang. He adopted her, then heard word
that the tumanurung in Luwuq was said to have disappeared. [The
Luwuq tumanurung] descended in Asaang and had two children. The
youngest married the female tumanurung in Pasadang. They had one
con. He was called Sanggaji Gaddong.
Iaminne Karaeng Loe ri Pakere uru karaeng. Nariwattunamo agauq
anjaritommi lamung-lamunga. Namajaimo tau battu pantara paqrasangang
naung ammantang ri Marusuq. Anne wattuna taena niasseng
luwaraqna parentana Karaeng Loemingka sikontu butta niaka ri passimbanganna
butta Bonena butta Goa akkusiang ngasengi mange ri
Karaeng Loe ri Marusuq. Karaeng Loe ri Pakere taena niassengi bainena
mingka iami agappa tumanurung baine ri Pasadang. Naallemo
nakatuo lebaki malangereki kana nikana malayangi tumanurunga ri
Luwuq. Turung ri Asaang mamanaq rua. Bungko-bungkona napasikalabinne
manurunga ri Pasada. Iami mamanaq sitau .buraqne. Iami
. . niareng Sanggaji Gaddong.
4. At the time of Sanggaji Gaddong, during a first-fruits 'rice-pounding
festival, Karaeng Loe of Pakere spoke in Toenga. He said, 'I want
Karaeng Loe I Sanggaji Gaddong to inherit the throne'. Karaeng Loe [of
Pakere] disappeared after speaking. He was called Karaeng Loe of
Pakere [who] disappeared in Loe. .
Nirewaasanamo Sanggaji Gaddong nailalanammo seqre pagaukang
adaq adeka ase 1010 nakanamo Karaeng Loe ri Pakere ri Toenga.
Namakanamo Karaeng Loe I Sanggaji Gaddong kukaeroki asossorangi
gaukang. Nalanyammo Karaeng Loe lebana makana-kana. Iami
nanikana.Karaeng Loe ri Pakere sayanga ri Loena.
5. Then Sanggaji Gaddong became ruler and Karaeng Maros. He was
called Batara Maros. His wife is not known, but it is known he had four
children. The eldest daughter was mother of Karaeng Kasikeqboq. Next
there was a son called Karaeng Loe of Maros. Next there was a son
Reading tke Histories of a Maros Ckronicle 5
called Karaeng Marimisi, who was a transvestite. Next there was a child
named Karaeng Tapiwe. Batara Maros Sanggaji Gaddong died. Karaeng
Loe of Maros became ruler. The end.
Na I Sanggaji Gaddong Karaeng ri Marusuq asossorangi gaukang.
Naiatomo nikana Batara Marusuq. Taena niassengi bainena &ingka
iami niasseng appaq anaqna. Baine ulu anaq ayami Karaeng
Kasikeqboq. Nampai buraqne niareng Karaeng Loe ri Marusuq.
Nainampai buraqne niareng Karaeng Marimisi singkammai kawekawe.
Nainampai Karaeng Tapiwe. Matemi Batara Marusuq Sanggaji
Gaddong. Karaeng Loemo ri Marusuq asossorangi gaukang. Intha'.
6. Karaeng Loe of Maros was the first to establish the Bate or the Matoa
Andi. They were called 'the Seven Gallarrang'. It was these Seven
Gallarrang who always enforced the customs of Maros. The first Seven
Gallarrang were Gallarrang Kaembo, Gallarrang Mambue, Gallarrang
Pampanga, Gallarrang Kapala, Gallarrang Kaji Tonga, Gallarrang
Barambang, and Gallarrang Kaluku. These seven gallarrang became the
Seven Gallarrang because they were the first to pay their respects at the
time the palace moved to Maros from Pakere. The wife of Karaeng Loe
of Maros is unknown, but their first child was Karaeng Patama
Langkana. His personal name, rnay I not be cursed, was I Mappasomba.
His royal name was Daeng Ng ~ r a g aN. ~ex t [their second child] was
Karaeng Barasaq. Next [their third child] was Tumamalianga ri Talloq.
Her personal name, rnay I not be cursed, rnay I not be destroyed, was
Passileqba Tumamalianga ri Talloq. She was married by Tunipasuruq
ruling Talloq, whose personal name, rnay I not be cursed, rnay I not be
destroyed, was Mangayoang Berang. His kuraeng name before he
became ruler was Karaeng Passiq. This Tumamalianga ri Talloq had a
child, Tumenanga ri Talloq, 'the wild tiger of Goa'. His personal name,
rnay I not be cursed, was I Mappatakangtana. His royal name was
Daeng Paduduq. Karaeng Loe ri Maros died, then Karaeng Patanna
. Langkana became ruler. He was called 'Patanna Langkanal3 because he
built a palace with twelve sections on pillars. The end.
Iami Karaeng Loe ri Marusuq uru ampaenteng Bate iareka Matoa Andi.
Iami nikana Gallarrang tujua iamomi anne Gallarrang tujua tulu
At birth and in early childhood, noble Makassarese received several names. Most commonly
these included a personal name, a royal name, indicated by the title daeng, and a karaeng
name that indicated their high birth. Upon installation as ruler of a given comrnunity they took
the additional title of karaeng of that community, becorning, for example, Karaeng of Maros.
3 Patama Langkana means 'Owner of the Palace'. .
anggerangi pangadakanga ri Marusuq. Uru-uruna Gallarrang tujua
iami Gallarrang Kaemba Gallarrang Mambue Gallarrang Pampanga
Gallarrang Kapala Gallarrang Kaji Tonga Gallarrang Barambang
Gallarrang Kaluku. Iami anne tujua Gallarrang napanjari Gallarrang
tujua kaiatommi anne Gallarrang bungasa mange akkusiang ri wattuna
nipaleteq saoraja mange ri Marusuq battu ri Pakere. Taena niassengi
bainena Karaeng Loe ri Marusuq mingka anaqna iami ambungasa
Karaeng Patanna Langkana. Areng kalenna iangku mabassung nikana I
Mappasomba. Areng padaengana nikana Daeng Nguraga. Nampai
iami Karaeng Barasaq. Nainampai Tumamalianga ri Talloq. Areng
kalenna iangku mabassung iangku maweke-weke niarengi Passileqba
Tumamaliyanga ri Talloq. Nibainengi ri Tunipasuruq magaukang ri
Talloq areng kalenna iangku mabassung iangku maweke-weke
niakanai Mangayoang Berang. Areng pakaraengang ritamagaukang
nikana Karaeng Passiq. Ayami anne Tumamalianga ri Talloq
anganakangi Tumenanga ri Talloaya macang lambaraqna Goa. Areng
kalenna iangku mabassung nikana I Mappatakangtana. Areng padaengang
nikana Daeng Paduluq. Mematei Karaeng Loe ri Marusuq
nakaraeng Patanna Langkanamo asossorangi gaukang. Nikanai
Patanna Langkana kaiami ampareki langkanaya sampuloi anrua paqdaseranna.
Intiha'.
7. Karaeng Patanna Langkana warred with Goa, aiding Talloq. At this
time Tunipalangga Ulaweng became somba in Goa. His personal name,
may I not be cursed, may I not be destroyed, was I Moriwo-gauq. His
royal name was Daeng Bonto. His karaeng name before he became ruler
was Karaeng Lakiung. [Patanna Langkana] helped the Somba of Goa
conquer Lengkeseq and al1 the people of Polombangkeng. [Tunipalangga
with his aid] was the first to war against the Bugis in Bampangang.
Suppa and Lamuru were routed as far as Walanaya. They conquered
the female ruler named I Daengku and her vassals. They
conquered Cenrana, Saloqmekkoq, Cina, Kacu4, Patuku, Kalubimbing,
Bulo-Bulo, Kajang, and Lamatti. [Patanna Langkana] helped the Somba
of Goa conquer Samanggi, Cenrana, and Bengo and made them vassals
of Goa. From Saumata and Camba a war indemnity was taken, totalling
five kati and five tahil in gold.5 This followed [during the reign of]
Possibly this should be 'Kahu'.
One kati weighs approximately 600 grams. Sixteen tahil (a term derived from the Chinese
tael, equivalent to roughly iwo Spanish rials), weighing about 37.5 grams, equal one kati. While
not insignificant, these amounts (especially the gold, associated with royalty) were primarily
symbolic expressions of submission. Goa frequently demanded tribute of 'three kati and three
tahil' or 'five kati and five tahil' from conquered vassals.
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle 7
Karaeng Patanna Langkana after [Talloq] was conquered by Goa. [Goal
and Talloq became allies. Goa with Talloq became 'Wo lords but one
people'. The end.
Karaeng Patanna Langkana maaqbunduq siagang Goa ambali Talloq.
Anjo wattui anjari Somba ri Goa iami Tunipalangga Ulaweng. Areng
kalenna iangku mabassung iangku maweke-weke niareng I Moriwogauq.
Areng padaengana nikana Daeng Bonto. Areng pakaraengana
ritamagauqna niareng Karaeng Lakiung. Nabali Sombaya ambetai
Lengkese tuPolombangkenga iangaseng. Uru aqbunduki Bugisika ri
Bampangang. Nanapalari Suppa Lamuru sanggena ri rampiqna
Walanaya. Ambetai Datu Bainena nikanaya I Daengku siagang palilina.
Ambetai Cenrana Saloqmekkoq Cina Kacu Patuku Kalubimbing Bulo-
Bulo Kajang Lamatti. Nabalitongi Sombaya ambetai Samanggi Cenrana
Bengo nanipareq palilina Goa. Saumata Camba niallei saqbu katina
nidedeki lima kati allima tai. Anjomo naminawannamo Karaeng
Patanna Langkana lebanamo nibeta ri Goa. Nanabalina Talloq.
Naanjarimi Goa siagang Talloq rua Karaeng niseqre ata. Intha'.
8. Karaeng Patanna Langkana had a child, Tunikakasang. Karaeng
Patanna Langkana died. He was then called Tumenanga ri Buaduawa.
Tunikakasang inherited the throne. His personal name, may I not be
cursed, was I Yunyi. His royal name was Daeng Mangemba.
'Tunikakasang adopted Tumenanga ri Gaukanna. His personal,name,
may I not be cursed, was I Manngarangi. His royal name was Daeng
Manraqbia. Later he was the first Somba of Goa to enter Islam. He had
the title Sultan Alauddin. Tumenanga ri Gaukanna was still smal1 when
Tunikakasang died. This Tunikakasang helped Tunijalloq [ruled Goa
from 1565 to 15901 in the war against the people of Bone. During this
war an agreement was made with the Somba of Goa. His personal
name, may I not be cursed, was I Manggorai. His royal name was Daeng
Mammeta. The agreement contained this: 'As long as my descendants
will be Somba of Goa, then the descendants of Tunikakasang Karaeng
Maros will be turnailalang in Goa'. The end.
Karaeng Patanna Langkana anganakangi Tunikakasang. Mematei
Patanna Langkana. Niaremmi Tumenanga ri Buaduawa. Na
Tunikakasammo asossorangi gaukang. Areng kalenna iangku mabassung
nikana I Yunyi. Areng padaengang nikana Daeng Mangemba.
Iami anne Tunikakasang akkatuoi Tumenanga ri Gaukanna. Areng
kalenna iangku mabassung niareng I Manngarangi. Areng padaenganna
nikana Daeng Manraqbia. Iami sallang Somba Goa uru antama
W. Cummings
Isilang. Iatommi nikana Sultan Alauddin. Macaqdi iji Tumenanga ri
Gaukanna namate Tunikakasang. Iami anne Tunikakasang ambali
Tunijallo aqbunduki tu Bonea. Nailalang bunduki naaulukana siagang .
Sombaya ri Goa. Areng kalenna iangku mabassung nikana I Manggorai.
Areng padaenganna nikana Daeng Marnmeta. Assina ulukanana iami
assalaq jari-jariku ipari 'omba ri Goa najari-jarinawa Tunikakasang
Karaeng Marusuq anjari Tumailalang ri Goa. Intiha'.
Tunikakasang died. Tunipasuluq ['the one who was cast out'] became
Karaeng Maros. His personal name, may I not be cursed, was I Tepu
Karaeng. His royal name was Daeng Parabung. He was made karaeng
by the people of Maros. He took possession of the Maros regalia. For
three .years he controlled Maros.
Mematei Tunikakasang. Tunipasuluqmo Karaeng ri Marusuq. Areng
kalenna iangku mabassung I Tepu Karaeng. Areng padaenganna
nikana Daeng Parabung. Nipanjari Karaeng ri tuMarusuka. Naallenamo
kallompoanna Marusuq. Niaka tallu taung nakoasai Marusuq.
Tunikakasang married a child of Karaeng Patteqne, the Tumailalang of
Goa, and had [two children:] a daughter, Daeng Kanite, and the mother
of Karaeng Banyawanyara I Maninrori. These then are the answers of
Gallarrang Pakere to my questions. The end.
Tunikakasang nabaineangi anaqna Karaeng Patteqne Tumailalang ri
Goa anaqmi Daeng Kanite baine siagang ayana Karaeng Banyawanyara
I Maninrori. Sikontumi anne kanana Gallarrang Pakere ri kutaqnana.
Intiha'.
Somba Tunipasuluq was Karaeng of Maros for three years. Then he was
deposed as Somba of Goa. There was als0 no karaeng in Maros. After
some time with no karaeng in Maros, words were heard by the people of
Maros that a man whose origins were unknown had come to Maros. He
was called Karaeng Manurunga ['the karaeng who descended']. Then the
people of Maros and the Seven Gallarrang went to take him and marry
him to the daughter of Tunikakasang [Daeng Kanite]. This Karaeng
Manurunga was raised to the position of Karaeng Maros. After some
time [Daeng Kanite, Karaeng Baine] fel1 pregnant. Karaeng Baine told
the Karaeng she wanted to see tembang6 leaping beneath the palace. The
A kind of smal1 fish.
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle 9
Karaeng went to the foot of the house, taking a measuring-stick.
Arriving there, he traced a line on the ground with his stick, straight
from under the house out to the sea. Then water flowed from the foot of
Mount Bawakaraeng to beneath the palace, then to the sea. After the
river was made, many Iami7, tembang and [other] small fish leaped
beneath the palace. After Karaeng Manurunga made this river, the people
called him Karaeng Assakayai Binangayas in Maros. During this
karneng's time the ruler of Talloq entered Islam. He was called Karaeng
. Matoaya. His personal name, may I not be cursed, was Malingkang. His
royal name was Daeng Mannyonriq. [As] Sultan Abdullah, he entered
Islam in the Muslim year 1015, on the ninth night of the month of
Jumadilawal, a Friday night. Sultan Abdullah entered Islam on the
ninth night of the month of Jumadilawal, on the night of 20 September
of the Christian year 1605.
Sallona Sombaya Tunipasuluq Karaeng ri Marusuq niaka tallu taung.
Nanipassuluqnamo anjari Somba ri Goa. Nataenatomo Karaeng ri
Marusuq. Sallo-sallo anjo taena Karaeng ri Marusuq malangeremi tau
Marusuka kanakana niaq seqre buraqne taniasseng assalaqna battu ri
Marusuq. Nanikanamo Karaengta Manurunga. Namalampai tau
Marusuka siagang Gallarrang tujua angallei nanipasikalabine anaqna
Tunikakasang. Nanipanjarimi anjo Karaengta Manurunga Karaeng ri
Marusuq. Sallo-salloi wattua ampisaqringimi. Karaeng Bainea nanapalaqmo
ri Karaenga eroki nacini tembanga ammasi ri sirinna ballaq
lompoa. Namalampamo Karaenga mange ri bangkenna ballaq. Karaeng
angerangi takkanna. Narenrenga battu nanarenreng takkanna tulusuq
antama ri rawangana ballaq lompoa sanggena assuluq ri tamparanga.
Naiamo naassolong jeqneka battu ri bangkenna Bawakaraeng narusuq
rawangana ballaq lompoa sanggena assuluq ri tamparanga. Anjarimi
binanga namajai lami tembang iareka juku-juku caqdi ammasi ri sirinna
ballaq lompoa. Lebanamo anne Karaengta Manurunga napare
binangaya niaremmi anne Karaenna Manurunga ri tau majaiya
Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya ri Marusuq. Riwattunatomo anne
Karaenga namantama Isilang Magaukang ri Talloq. Nikanaya Karaeng
Matoaya. Areng kalenna iangku mabassung niarengi Malingkang.
Areng padaengana nikana Daeng Mannyonriq. Sultan Abdullah
ammantama Isilang ayami ri hejera sicokoanga sampulo allima ri 9 banngi
bulanna Jumadele Auwala ri banngina Jumaka. Sultan Abdullah ri
A kind of small fish.
Assakayai Binangaya means 'separating [the land, thereby creating] a river'.
10 W. Cummings
salapang banngina bulanna Jumadele Auwala ri banngina ri hera 1605
ri 20 Septembereq namantama Isilang.
12. Karaeng Matoaya's Islamic name was Sultan Abdullah Auwalul Islam.
This Karaeng Islamized [people] throughout the land of Makassar,
Islamized. [people] throughout the land of the Bugis, except Luwuq.
Karaeng Matoaya was a second cousin of Karaeng Baine Maros [Daeng
Kanite], because the Karaeng Matoaya's grandparent called, may I not
be cursed, I Passileqba [Tumamalianga ri Talloq] was the sister of Karaeng
Baine's grandfather in Maros called, may I not be cursed,
Mappasomba. His royal name was Daeng Nguragi. His karaeng name
was Karaeng Patanna Langkana. He too entered Islam. Karaeng Matoaya
entered Islam too. Karaeng Maros was called Sultan Muhammad
Adama. After this, al1 the people of Maros entered [Islam]. [Karaeng
Assakayai Binangaya] had two children with Karaeng Baine. One was
called Muhammad Ali. His royal name was Daeng Mita. His karaeng
name was Karaeng Barasaq. Another daughter was named Dala Marusuq.
Her personal name, may I not be cursed, was I Siti Maemuna. This
Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya disappeared with his wife. Karaeng
Barasaq became ruler. The end.
Karaeng Matoaya are-arenna nikana I Sultan Abdullah Iuwala Isilang.
Iaminne Karaenga ampasallangi Mangkasaraka siMangkasaraq
ampasallangi Bugisika siBugisi passinggalinna Luwuq. Karaeng
Matoaya asampupinruangi Karaeng Baine Marusuq nasabaq toana
Karaeng Matoaya niarengi iangku mabassung I Passileqba assaribatangi
toana Karaeng Baineya ri Marusuq niarenga iangku mabassung
Mappasomba. Areng padaenganna Daeng Nguragi. Areng pakaraengana
Karaeng Patanna Langkana. Iatomi anjo ri antamanamo Isilang.
Karaeng Matoaya naantamatommi Isilang. Karaeng Marusuq niarengt
o m i Solotang Muhamrnada Adama. Lebaki anjo mantama ngasemi
sikontu tau Marusuka. Rua anaq napajula Karaeng Baineya. Iami
nikana Muhammad Ali. Areng padaenganna nikana Daeng Mita. Areng
pakaraenganna Karaeng Barasaq. Sitau pole baine nikana Dala
Marusuq. Areng kalena iangku mabassung niareng I Siti Maemuna.
Anne Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya silanyakangi sikalabinena.
Karaengta Barasaqmo asossorangi gaukang. Intiha'.
13. Karaeng Barasaq married I Base Nguakeng. Her royal name was Daeng
Bulaeng. She was called Karaeng Baine. Their only child was a con
named Kare Yunusu. Karaeng Barasaq disappeared beside [his wife]. At
this time his younger sibling, Dala Marusuq, was married by the
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle 11
Arumpone, Matinroe ri Nagauleng9 For that reason Maros is said to be
lesser, because [a Maros woman] was given in marriage to Bone.
Karaeng Barasaq was the first to insta11 a kadi in Maros: his son Kare
Yunusu. He was installed and given the kadi-ship because he was the
child praised as truly just and wel1 disciplined in matters of religion.
Karaeng Barasaq disappeared with his wife, then Kare Yunusu inherited
the throne, because he was the only child. The end.
Karaengta Barasaq nabaineangi I Base Nguakeng. Areng padaenganna
nikana Daeng Bulaeng. Iatommi nikana Karaeng Baineya. Anaqmi
seqre-seqre buraqne niareng Kare Yunusu. Karaeng Barasaq sayangirisarina.
Riwattuna nibaineang adiqna Dala Marusuq ri Arumpone
Matinroe ri Nagauleng. Kanakana caqdi tojemmi Marusuq kanibaineangi
ri Bone. Karaeng Barasaq uru attannang Kali ri Marusuq
naanaqna Kare Yunusu. Natannang anjamai kakalianga kaia anjo anaqna
napuji lambusuq tojeng bajiq ampe namajarre agamana. Sayannamo
Karaeng Barasaq sikalabine naKare Yunusumo asossorangi gaukang
kaiami anaq seqre-seqre. Intiha'.
14. Kare Yunusu, the child of Karaeng Barasaq, was Kadi of Maros and als0
Karaeng of Maros. Upon becoming ruler, he surrendered his kadi-ship to
his son, who was named Kare Lame. During Kare Yunusu's rule
Dutchmen, brought by people of Bone, entered Maros for the first time.
At this time [the people of Bone] wanted to destroy Somba Opu. After
the Dutch entered, bringing war, the land of Maros was controlled by
the people of Bone. At that time too Kare Yunusu died, after giving the
regalia to the Arumpone. But he asked that a member of the Bone family
named La Mamma Daeng Marewa, a child of the Loqmoq of Tamate,
Abdullah Kadere in Maros, be made karaeng. He was a nephew of
Karaeng Maros Kare Yunusu, because he was the [great] grandchild of
Arumpone Matinroe ri Nagauleng, who found his wife, named Siti
Maemuna Dala Marusuq, a child of Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya, in
Maros. The end.
I Kare Yunusu anaki ri Karaeng Barasaq iaminne Kali Marusuq iatodong
1 Karaeng Marusuq. Nasossorangimo gaukang napataqlebami kakalianga
mange ri anaqna niarenga Kare Lame. Riwattunatomo anne Kare
l Yunusu Karaengta pakaramula niaq Balandaya antama ri Marusuq
nierang ri tauBoneya. Riwattuna ero narumbang Somba Opu. Leba-
Arumpone is the Bugis title of the ruler of Bone. Arung is a Bugis title parallel to the Makassarese
title karaeng.
nam0 anjo antama Balandaya naerang bunduqna nanakoasaitomi butta
Marusuq ri tau Boneya. Naianjotomi wattuu naarnrnoterang Kare
Yunusu lebana napasarei kallompoanna mange ri Arumpone. Mingka
napalaki nipanjari Karaeng bijana Bonena niarenga La Mamma Daeng
Marewa anaqna Loqmoq Tamate Marusuq Abdullah Kadere. Kamanakanna
Karaeng Marusuq Kare Yunusu kasabaq cucuna Arumpone
Matinroe ri Nagauleng battu ri bainena niarenga Siti Maemuna Dala
Marusuq anaqna Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya ri Marusuq. Intiha'.
15. La Mamma Daeng Marewa was a child of Loqmoq Tamate, Abdullah
Kadere. He was a child of La Magumete Arung Sinri, his mother, and
his father I Magoro, Arung Galung Soppeng. La Magumete Arung Sinri
was a daughter of Arumpone Matinroe ri Nagauleng, whose personal
name, may I not be cursed, was La Patau Mattana Tika. He came [to
Maros] and married I Siti Maemuna Dala Marusuq. During La Mamma
Daeng Marewa's time Maros first became a vassal of Bone. At the Same
time the community of Simbang was established. Bontoa was established.
Tanralili was established. Raya was established. This karaeng was
the first to set up the Five Toqdoq in Maros. La Mamma Daeng Marewa,
the Karaeng of Maros, summoned al1 the vassal karaeng of Bone and Goa
located close to the land of Maros to unite as one, because he did not like
the Dutch presence in Maros. Al1 the karaeng at first did-not want to,
because they said the Karaeng of Maros only wanted to take [control of]
al1 the communities that were near him. However, coming out of Bone
. to attack Goa when I Sangkilang Batara Goa [ruled Goa 1753-17671 was
in Maros, the Dutch replaced Goa and Bone in ruling Maros and the
communities located close to Maros: Simbang, Bontoa, Raya, and
Tanralili. So then al1 the karaeng began to want to unite as one. Then it
was said [that there were] Five Toqdoq in Maros, because the five
karaeng could not be separated. After the Five Toqdoq was established
in Maros, the Arumpone of Bone was mad at La Mamma Daeng
Marewa, Karaeng Maros. The Arumpone said, 'Karaeng Maros does not
want to follow my wish. Karaeng Maros was summoned to come and
pay homage to the Arumpone, but did not want to, because he said only
a child who was always obedient [should pay homage].'lO This was the
reason Karaeng Maros did not want to pay homage to the Arumpone.
Bone then marched out to wage war against Maros. But so many continued
to die in the war there that Karaeng Maros began to think. He
said [to himself], 'How long [will it bel until al1 the people of Maros are
l0 Difficult to tanslate, this statement is a declaration of independence from Bone that the
Arumpone would not condone.
Reading the Histories ofa Maros Chronicle 13
killed if I do not give in to the wish of the Arumpone?' But Karaeng
Maros had already declared that he did not want to pay homage to the
Arumpone for as long as he was still friends with the Dutch or until the
day of his [own] death. [Thus the fighting continued until Karaeng
Maros was killed and beheaded, and his head was taken to Bone.] Then
his head was presented to the ruler of Bone. It was placed on a great
crackleware platter before Arung Baringang, the war leader [of Bone].
Al1 the customary attendants of Bone, the Arumpone, and the Adaq Pitu
council of Bone were amazed when the head of Karaeng Maros was
l brought before the Arumpone, because Karaeng Maros' head kept turning
away from the Arumpone again and again. It was put before [the
Arumpone] but steadfastly refused to face and abase itself [before the
k Arumpone]. The Arumpone said, 'Bury [him] outside Bone, not in the
community'. Karaeng Maros was buried in the land of Simbang, in a
community called Samangki. Thus the Karaeng Maros who was defeated
is called Matinroe ri Samangki Simbang. La Mamma Daeng Marewa
had forty-one wives, but the one who became Karaeng Baine and was
installed at the installation grounds [with her husband] was Karaeng
Sami Opu Bontobangung of Silayar.ll This Karaeng Boga [La Mamma
Daeng Marewa] had three children with Karaeng Baine. The eldest son
was named Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana. The next son was named
La Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang. The youngest daughter was named I
Bunga Daya Daeng Tauji. Then La Mamma Daeng Marewa, Matinroe ri
Samangki, died. Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana became karaeng. He
inherited the throne because he was the chosen successor and because
he was the eldest. The end.
La Mamma Daeng Marewa anaka ri Loqmoq Tamate Abedula Kadere.
Anaki ri La Magumete Arung Sinri Bainea ayami I Magoro Arung
Galung Soppeng. La Magumete Arung Sinri anaki ri Arumpone
Matinroe ri Nagauleng areng kalena iangku mabassung niareng La
Patau Mattana Tikka. Battu nibainena I Siti Maemuna Dala Marusuq.
Riattuna anne La Mama Daeng Marewa na wapakaramula Marusuq
anjari palilina Bone. Siwattumatomo anne nammenteng paqrasangang
Simbang. Nammenteng Bontoa. Nammenteng Tanralili. Nammenteng
Raya. Iami anne Karaeng uru ampareki Toqdoq Limayi ri Marusuq. Na
La Mamma Daeng Marewa Karaeng Marusuq akioq ngasengi sikontu
Karaeng palilina Bone siagang Gowa niaka ri rampiqna butta Marusuq
ampare aqbulo sibatanga kataeni nangaai kaniakana Balandaya ri
" If at the time of the installation ceremony of a new ruler his wife was of equally high rank,
she was installed alongside her husband.
Marusuq. Sikontu Karaeng iangaseng uru-uru arme taena niaq ero
kana-kanai anne Karaeng Marusuq eronaji naalleya paqrasangang
sikontu niaka ri rampiqna. Mingka niaqmi assuluq Bone aqbunduki
Goa ri wattuna niaq ri Marusuq I Sangkilang Batara Goa nasibasambe
Goa Bone na Balandaya angatai Marusuq siagang paqrasangang niaka
ri rampiqmi Marusuq iami Simbang Bontoa Raya siagang Tanralili.
Kamanamo anjo napakaramula ero sikontu Karaenga naeromo ampareki
paqbulosibatanga. Nanikanamo Toqdoq Limaya ri Marusuq kalima
Karaeng taena pasisalakana. Lebanamo anjo ammenteng Toqdoq
Limaya ri Marusuq malarromi Arumpone ri La Mamma Daeng Marewa
Karaeng ri Marusuq. Nakana Arumpone taena naero Karaeng Marusuq
ampinawangi erona. Nisurokioki antama akkusiang ri Arumpone
Karaeng Marusuq mingka taena naero nasabaq nakana anaq tojengji
tulinagaukang. Iatomi pasala taenamo naero antama akkusiang
Karaeng Marusuq mange ri Arumpone. Naassuluqmo Bone aqbunduki
Marusuq. Mingka majaipi mae mate lalang bunduq na napisama
Karaeng Marusuq. Angkana siapa sallana nalaqbusuq tau Marusuqka
punna taena naero ampinawangi erona Arumpone. Mingka lebami
Karaeng Marusuq nakana taenamo naeromo akkusiang ri Arumpone
punna siagangiji Balandaya iareka punna ri allo matenamami. Iatomi
napasareami uluna nierang antama ri dallekanna Magaukang.
Nierammi antama napari panne salabattai uluna ri Arung Baringang
Petta Ponggawae. Maka iangaseng paerang Adaqna Bone Arumpone
Adaq Pituna Bone tulu mappilanasi nierannamo uluna Karaeng
Marusuq ri dallekanna Arumpone kaanjo uluna Karaeng Marusuq tulu
nabokoi Arumpone pisiapangi. Napangolo dalekang mingka tulu tapuraji
aqboko nangatummo kalena. Arumpone nakanamo lamungangi
pantaranna Bone teako naalalabatana. Nitarawammi Karaeng Marusuq
ri butta Simbang ri paqrasangang niarengi Samangki. Nanakanamo
Karaeng Marusuq niwetae Matinroe ri Samangki Simbang. La Mamma
Daeng Marewa 41 patumpuloi seqre bainena mingka anjariang Karaeng
Baine nipasilantikang ri palantikanga iami Karaeng Sami Opu
Bontobangung Silayara. Anne Karaeng Boga tallu anaq napajului
Karaeng Bainea. Iami uluana buraqne niarenga ~b a d u l a La Tipu Daeng
Mattana. Nainampa buraqne niareng La Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang.
Nampa baine bungko-bungkona niareng I Bunga Daya Daeng Tauji.
Mematena La Mamma Daeng Marewa Matinroe ri Samangki. Na
Abadula La Tipu Daeng Mattana anjari Karaeng. Asossorangi gaukang
kaiami anapa tola naiatompa anaq towa. Intiha'.
16. This Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana became Karaeng Maros, replacing
his father La Mamma Daeng Marewa Matinroe ri Samangki. This
Reading tke Histories of a Maros Ckronicle 15
Karaeng Maros was liked by the Arumpone. During the time when
Bone quarrelled with the Dutch, Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana married
La Pamegie Daeng Niyatu, the daughter of La Pabuta Daeng
Mateko Arung Karela. They had two children, both boys. At the time of
this karaeng the Four Gallarrang was formed: Bira, Sudiang, Moncong
Loe, and Biringkanaya followed Maros. At the time the Four Gallarrang
was first created, they followed Maros. Then the war leader of Bone
who was named La Barania Daeng Palalo fought against a champion of
Goa called I Pakai Daeng Marala. The champion of Goa was conquered
[by La Barania], then he was beheaded by La Barania Daeng Palalo. He
paraded al1 around the southern part of Maros. Then he became a
knraeng [in Maros]. He was called La Barania Daeng Palalo, Sullewatang
Timboroq.12
Iamine Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana anjari Karaeng ri Marusuq
antolai manggena La Mamma Daeng Marewa Matinroe ri Samangki.
Iaminne Karaeng Marusuq ningai ri Arumpone. Naiyatominne wattua
nasisalami Bone siagang Balandaya. Abadula La Tipu Daeng Mattana
nabaineangi La Pamegie Daeng Niyatu anaqna La Pabuta Daeng
Mateko Arung Karela. Ayami mamanaq rua sannging buraqne anaqna.
Riwattunamo anne Karaeng nanipantama GallarrangAppaka iami Bira
Sudiang Moncong Loe siagang Biringkanaya amminawang ri Marusuq.
Ia ri wattuna uru naallena Gallarrang Appaka minawang ri Marusuq.
Napasilagai ponggawanna Bone niarenga La Barania Daeng Palalo siagang
tubaranina Goa iami niareng I Pakai Daeng Marala. Nanibetai
tubaranina Goa nanibunduq kalena naiatomo na La Barania Daeng
Palalo nisireangi butta timboroqna Marusuq. Nanipanjari Karaengi.
Nanikanamo La Barania Daeng Palalo Sullewatang Timboroq.
17. La Barania Daeng Palalo married the younger sibling of the Karaeng
Maros [La Tipu Daeng Mattana] named I Bungadia Daeng Tauji. They
had three children: La Paduppai Daeng Palawa, next La Matowaka
Daeng Pawello Bukia, [and] a daughter named Daeng ni Sanga. La
Barania Daeng Palalo was a child of La Makassau. Arung Palakka I La
Makassau was a child of La Potokati Datu Baringeng. La Potokati was
a child of Arumpone Matinroe ri Malimonga. His personal name, may I
l2 Sullewatang in Bugis means literally 'substitute of the trunk' (watang = 'stem, trunk') and is'
conventionally translated as 'deputy'. Frequently local rulers below the rank of arung bore this
title, in this case a local ruler presiding over the southern part of Maros. The chronicle implies
that by the early nineteenth century two sullewatang positions were established, the Sullewatang
Tomboroq presiding over the southern part of ar os, and a Sullewatang Maros over the entire
area.
not be cursed, was La Tomasonge. He was a child of Arumpone
Matinroe ri Nagauleng, whose personal name, may I not be cursed, was
La Patau Mattana Tika. During the reign of this karaeng, the Dutch
raised a person from Galesong named I Panodo Daeng Maroro to the
position of Sullewatang in Maros. Two children of the Karaeng
[Abdullah La Tipu] died while still small. Then, following custom, [his
brother] became kuraeng and inherited the throne. He was named La
Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang. The end.
La Barania Daeng Palalo nabaineangi adiqna Karaeng Marusuq naarenga
I Bungadia Daeng Tauji. Naanaqmi tallu tau iami La Paduppai
Daeng Palawa nainampai La Matowaka Daeng Pawello Bukia baine
niareng Daeng ni Sanga. La Barania Daeng Palalo anaki ri La Makassau.
Arung Palakka I La Makassau anaki ri La Potokati Datu Baringeng. La
Potokati anaki ri Arumpone Matinroe ri Malimonga. Areng kalenna
iangku mabassung nakana La Tomasonge. Iami anaq ri Arumpone
Matinroe ri Nagauleng areng kalenna iangku mabassung niareng La
Patau Mattana Tika. Riwattuna anne Karaenga na nitannammo ri
Balandaya anjari Sullewatang ri Marusuq tau Galesong niareng I
Panodo Daeng Maroro. Macaqdiiji rua anaqna Karaenga namate.
Naadaqnamo anjari Karaeng asossorangi gaukang. Iami niareng La
Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang. Intiha'.
18. La Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang married a daughter of Karaeng Ujung
ri Labakkang named Daeng Coa. They had a daughter named I Hapipa
Daeng ri Sompa, who was married by I Malalakang Daeng Pawello, a
child of a La Barania Daeng Palalo, Sullewatang Timboroq. La
Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang died, [and] then I Mannyadari Daeng
Parenreng became Karaeng Maros. He was called Matinroe ri
Campagae. Not being a direct descendant of the Karaengs [of Maros],
he asked the Governor to [be allowed tol step down because [in truth]
he did not want to be ruled by the Dutch. After I Mannyadari Daeng
Parenreng asked [permission] to quit as Karaeng of Maros, then I
Malalakang Daeng Pawello was made Karaeng of Maros. He was a
child of La Barania Daeng Palalo, Sullewatang Timboroq. His mother
was I Bungadia Daeng Tauji, the child of the Karaeng of Maros,
Matinroe ri Samangki. [I Malalakang Daeng Pawello] married I Hapipa
Daeng ri Sompa, the daughter of I Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang,
Karaeng Maros. She was the first cousin of Karaeng Baine. At this time
I Surulla Daeng Palalo, the child of I Mannyadari Daeng Parenreng,
Matinroe ri campagae, became Sullewatang Maros. At this time
Timboroq La Paduppai Daeng Palawa, the older sibling of the Karaeng
Reading the Histories ofa Maros Chronicle 17
[I Malalakang Daeng Pawello], became Sullewatang. At this time many
people from Maros followed the Dutch. There was a person named I
Mappasosong Daeng Pabunduq who always wanted to be made
karaeng by the Dutch, but this was forbidden by Maros adat and the
Seven Gallarrang. Because I Mappasosong Daeng Pabunduq was not an
anaq tiqno13, he could not inherit the karaeng-ship of Maros either.
Because the child of I Panodo Daeng Maroro had already become Sullewatang
of Maros at the time Abdullah La Tipu Daeng Mattana became
karaeng, this I Mappasosong Daeng Pabunduq, a man from Galesong
[could not become Sullewatang of Maros either]. I Malalakang Daeng
Pawello did not have any sons who could inherit the throne, because his
daughter married a person from outside the palace. One year the
Karaeng [I Malalakang Daeng Pawello] went to Kuri to collect taxes.
The Karaeng died there. Thus he is called Karaeng Matinroe ri Kuri.
After the Karaeng died, al1 the officials and the commoners wanted the
Sullewatang of Maros, I Surulla Daeng Palalo, and made.him Karaeng
of Maros.
La Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang nabaineangi anaqna Karaengta Ujung
ri Labakkang niarenga Daeng Coa. Anaqmi sitau baine niareng I
Hapipa Daeng ri Sompa nibaineangi ri I Malalakang Daeng Pawello
anaqna La Barania Daeng Palalo Sullewatang Timboroq. Mematei La
Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang na I Marinyadari Daeng Parenreng anjari
Karaeng ri Marusuq. Iami nakana Matinroe ri Campagae. Taenaja na
salong anjari Karaeng nanapalaq ammari ri guberenemenga kataena
naero naparenta Balanda. Napalaqnamo ammari I Mannyadari Daeng
Parenreng anjari Karaeng ri Marusuq na I Malalakang Daeng Pawello
nilantiq anjari Karaeng ri Marusuq. Iami anaq ri La Barania Daeng
Palalo Sullewatang Timboroq. Anjona ayami I Bungadia Daeng Tauji
anaqna Karaeng Marusuq Matinroe ri Samangki. Nabaineangi I Hapipa
Daeng ri Sompa anaqna I Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang Karaeng
Marusuq. Iami naassamposikali siagang Karaeng Baineya. Anjari
Sullewatang Marusuq annel wattuna iami I Surulla Daeng Palalo anaqna
I Mannyadari Daeng Parenreng Matinroe ri Campagae. Naiatomo
anne wattuna anjari Sullewatang Timboroq La Paduppai Daeng Palawa
saribatang toana Karaeng. Anne wattuna namajaimo tau Marusuq
amminawang ri Balandaya. Iami seqre niareng I Mappasosong Daeng
Pabunduq iami anne tulu nikaeroka nipanjari Karaeng ri Balandaya
mingka tatangi adaqna Marusq siagang Gallarrang Tujua. Kaia anne I
l3 Denoting the rank of those with pure white blood, and thus direct descendants of the tumanurung.
Mappasosong Daeng Pabunduq teai anaq tiqno tenatodong nawarisi ri
kakaraenganna ri Marusuq. Kaanaqnai I Panodo Daeng Maroroq lebaka
anjari Sullewatang ri Marusuq ri wattuna anjari Karaeng Abdullah
La Tipu Daeng Mattana jari anne I Mappasosong Daeng Pabunduq tau
Galesongi. I Malalakang Daeng Pawello taena anaqna buraqne makkala
asossorangi gaukang nasabaq anaq bainena amburaqne tau pantaraki.
Seqre taung namange Karaenga ri Kuri assingaraq sima. ~amatea
Karaeng anjoreng. Nanikanamo Karaeng Matiroe ri Kuri. Mematei
Karaeng Sullewatang Marusuq I Sirula Daeng Palolo nakaeroka adaka
siagang tau majaiya anpajapai kakaraengang ri Marusuq.
The history of Marosfrom the chronicle
The Maros Chronicle ably relates the major events and developments that
structured the history of Maros from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century.
It is by far the most comprehensive available account of Maros' history during
that time. Several major themes emerge that are worth highlighting.
Firstly, the history of Maros was chronicled with a conscious eye towards
its relationships with and in terms of the actions of Maros' powerful neighbours.
In other words, this history was remembered in the context of, and
with reference to, the histories of the dominant polities in South Sulawesi.
This is even true to the extent that the Tumanurung of Luwuq was recalled
as an ancestor of the rulers of Maros, a fact that bestowed on Maros some of
the prestige of Luwuq. But most notably, the early history of Maros is characterized
by its reference to events and rulers in Goa. This is not surprising,
given Maros' proximity to Goa and Goa's dominant historical influence in the
region. Goa in a sense burst on the scene around 1540, when it defeated the
alliance of Talloq, Maros, and Polombangkeng. From the relation of this
event onward, Maros' relationship with Goa is centra1 to the narrative of the
chronicle. This centrality is not just a result of Goa's politica1 dominance.
More subtle, but equally real, was the cultural and social influence Goa exerted
over Maros and other Makassarese polities. In particular, Goa provided
the ideal model of what a Makassarese kingdom and its chronicle should be.
The earlier, shorter chronicle of Maros mimicked the Goa Chronicle. Culturally
and socially, Goa established itself as the measure of what was most
noble and desirable in Makassar. This, more than Goa's politica1 dominance,
helps explain the prestige and centra1 position accorded Goa to this day. It
als0 helps explain the cultural and historical framework Goa provided for
chroniclers of Makassarese polities such as Maros.
Secondly, more unexpected than Goa's presence in the Maros Chronicle is
the relatively close historical tie between Maros and Talloq. Indeed, there are
Reading the Histories ofa Maros Chronicle 19
hints of a sense of independence from Goa in Maros. The early ties between
Maros and Talloq are wel1 documented. Tunipasuruq, the third ruler of
Talloq (reigned til1 1540 or 1543), married a daughter of the ruler of Maros,
Sanggaji Gaddong. The politica1 effects of this union were far-reaching.
Tunipasuruq and his wife, later known as Tumamaliang ri Talloq, had a son,
Karaeng Makkoayang, who became the fourth ruler of Talloq (reigned from
1540 or 1543 to 1576) and who was succeeded by his daughter. In Maros,
Sanggaji Gaddong was succeeded by his son, then his grandson. For a period
of two or three generations the rulers of Maros and Talloq were cousins, a
bond that had no counterpart in the relations between Maros and Goa.14 The
close tie between Maros and Talloq was emphasized by their alliance (together
with Polombangkeng) in the war against Goa. Nor did defeat sever
this close link. The repercussions of that single marriage continued to reverberate
into the seventeenth century. In section 12 of the Maros Chronicle, the
author takes great pains to spel1 out the blood ties that still linked the rulers
of Maros and Talloq as a result of that marriage almost a century earlier. It is
worth noting too that in that Same section Maros is described as following
Talloq when it entered Islam, not Goa. It could even be argued that when the
people of Maros took Tunipasuluq as their ruler, they did so becaus'e they
regarded him as the ruler of Talloq more than as the ruler of Goa.
The close link of Maros with Talloq had no parallel with regard to Goa.
Goa's main tie with Maros, in contrast, stemmed from a contractual agreement
between Tunikakasang and Tunijalloq. Cited in section 8 of the Maros
Chronicle, this provided that as long as Tunijalloq's descendants ruled Goa,
Tunikakasang's descendants would serve as tumailalang, the second most
important official function in the kingdom of Goa after that of the
tumaqbicarabutta, who usually came from Talloq.15
Certainly the contrast between Maros' close kinship tie with Talloq and its
more forma1 contractual tie with Goa by itself is inconclusive. However, there
are other clues that bolster the conclusion that Maros and Goa were not close.
Reading the Goa court records known as lontaraq bilang, one is struck by the
(predictable) presence of references to nobles and events in Talloq and scarcer
references to Sanrabone, and the almost complete absence of references to
Maros (Kamaruddin et al. 1969 and 1986; Ligtvoet 1880). Not a single ruler of
Maros is mentioned by name in these records, nor is a single birth or death
l4 There was an abortive attempt to establish such a bond when Tunikakasang 'adopted' a son
of the ruler of Goa, Tunijalloq. Tunikakasang died while the boy was still young, however.
Eventually, and unexpectedly, this boy succeeded his elder brother Tunipasuruq and became one
of the most famous Goa rulers, Tumenanga ri Gaukanna.
l5 The tumaqbicnrabutta was the chief advisor to the ruler of Goa and was known as 'The
Speaker of the Land'. The tumailalang (eventually there were three) were ministers who acted as
intermediaries between the ruler and subordinate lords in Goa itself.
noted. Often Maros is described as if it were a distant place that the ruler of
Goa sailed to, almost like Bone or Selayar.
Further clues about Maros' sense of independence from Goa come from
oral traditions, two of which are relevant here.l6 In one story, listeners are
reminded that the official sword of the kingdom of Goa, Sudanga, came from
Karaeng Bayo's brother Lakipadada, while the sword of Karaeng Bayo himself,
Tanruq Ballanga ('Spotted Horn'), disappeared or was lost. In fact, listeners
are told, Karaeng Bayo gave this more pow&ful sword to the rulers of
Maros before he disappeared. The sword, rumour has it, has always been
secretly guarded in Maros, unbeknownst to the ruling family in Goa. 'A sec:
ond story conveying this sense of autonomy recalls Maros' early resistance to
the growing dominance of Goa in Makassar. The people of Maros proudly
maintain that Goa never successfully invaded'and conquered Maros itself,
unlike Talloq and Polombangkeng. Traditions tel1 of a magical banner that
Maros possessed, which could bring dead warriors back to life, thus making
it impossible for Goa to conquer Maros. Frustrated in this way, the ruler of
Goa's advisor and soothsayer, Botolempangang, counselled the ruler to
defeat Maros by using sex and literally to 'attack Maros with his penis'
(nibuniiuq laso). Botolempangang arranged a marriage between the son of the
ruler of Goa and the daughter of the ruler of Maros. The bride came to Goa
and was asked why she brought no.-valuable regalia as bridewealth.
Embarrassed by this, she returned to Maros and returned with Maros' most
potent piece of regalia, the banner that could resurrect dead warriors, placing
it in the ruler of Goa's lap. From this act, the banner's name Sulengkaya, referring
t0.a person's lap when they sit cross-legged, is said to derive. From this
moment, Maros symbolically surrendered to Goa by 'giving the ruler's
daughter in marriage, and practically surrendered its ability to withstand
Goa in battle.
The factual basis of these two stories, if any, is difficult to divine. The
sword Tanruq Ballanga is too sacred and its custodians too secretive for it to
be shown to outsiders. The memory of ancient resistance to Goa's encroachment
in the second tale has probably become entangled with memories of the
war fought against Goa around 1540. During this war, one of the Goa banners
was called Sulengkaya. Whether this was the Same banner as that taken
as bridewealth earlier, or whether the name in fact derived from that of a
smal1 community Sulengkaya, near Goa, is unknown. However, though factually
suspect, the stories are culturally insightful. Despite the overwhelming
importance of Goa in this part of Makassar, and despite the inevitable presence
of the rulers and deeds of Goa in the Maros Chronicle, the link between
Maros and Goa was a surprisingly ambivalent one and very aifferent from
l6 I was told these stories by Djohan Daeng Salengke in 1997.
l Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle 21
l7 The presente of a strong Bugis colony in Maros goes back to at least 1644, when Goa over-
, threw Arumpone La Madarammeng at the request of his own nobles. He was brought back to
Maros, where he established a Sufi school.
the close tie forged with Talloq. Co too this Maros-centred perception must be
tempered by the historica1 fact that Goa intervened in Maros regularly, used
it as a source of manpower, distributed rice-growing land in the region to
Goa nobles, and certainly viewed Maros as an integral part of its empire.
The third major theme that emerges from the Maros Chronicle is the shift
that took place in Maros following Bone's 1669 conquest of Goa. Bone under
i Arung Palakka and his successor La Patau extended its influence int0 Makassarese
areas that were previously within Goa's ambit. Bantaeng is a wellknown
case, but Maros underwent a similar fate, as the Maros Chronicle
shows. During the early eighteenth century in particular there is a visible
shift from a concern with events in Goa and the actions of Goa's ruler to
events and actions in Bone. A telling illustration of this shift is provided by a
genealogy of the rulers of Maros. While al1 the genealogies of these rulers up
until the reign of Kare Yunusu are written in Makassarese, ANRI 18/8 contains
a Bugis-language genealogy that begins with Kare Yunusu's successor,
La Mamma Daeng Marewa, the first descendant of La Patau to become ruler
of Maros. Even the names of the rulers of Maros attest to this shift, as
Makassarese names and titles give way to Bugis names and titles in the
eighteenth century.
The transition in the view of the history of Maros from a context dominated
by Goa to one dominated by Bone not only is a reflection of Bone's
new politica1 dominance, but also mirrors demographic changes in Maros.
As the chronicle mentions in section 15, a collection of new communities was
established in Maros from the early eighteenth century on.17 Populated by
Bugis immigrants, their presence changed Maros. From an exclusively
Makassarese region, Maros became the frontier area it is today, where. both
Bugis and Makassarese are commonly spoken. Indeed, the writer's use of
several Bugis terms - such as tapuraji, niwetae, and antolai - in the later sections
of the chronicle attests to his own Bugis influences.
The extent to which Bone became the overarching presence guiding
events in Maros is most engagingly reflected in the account of La Mamma
Daeng Marewa in section 15. La Mamma Daeng Marewa, the tenth Karaeng
Maros, ruled from 1723 to 1779. This was a turbulent half-century in the
regions near Goa, rocked by a major civil war led by Karaeng Bontolangkasaq
in the 1730s, and then by the first of many millenarian revolts purportedly
led by Batara Goa, the exiled ruler of Goa, in the late 1770s. Maros
itself established a confederation of five communities known as the Five
Toqdoq. La Mamma Daeng Marewa, despite being the first ruler of Maros
who was directly descended from La Patau of Bone, sought independence
from Bone in a way that made it look to the Arumpone like an ungrateful act
of defiance. The result was a fierce and costly war, in which Bone re-subjugated
Maros and beheaded La Mamma Daeng Marewa. From this point in
the chronicle onward, Goa is almost invisible, whereas Bugis actors are
involved in al1 the major events the chronicle recounts.
The people of Maros certainly did not welcome Bone's overlordship, as
the fantastic tale of La Mamma Daeng Marewa's act of posthumous defiance
indicates. In this there are echoes of Maros' earlier sense of autonomy with
respect to Goa. The Maros Chronicle does not depict Maros' history as a mere
appendage to the history of the major polities in the peninsula. Indeed, the
act of writing the chronicle itself is compelling testimony to feelings of pride
and autonomy in Maros. It is this sentiment, I believe, that in part motivated
Daeng Masikki to write the Maros Chronicle.
The writing of the Maros Chronicle
In addition to providing basic historica1 information, the Maros Chronicle
als0 is an illuminating example of how one particular Makassarese history
was constructed. Daeng Masikki appears to have relied on four sources to
compose the chronicle: the earlier and more ubiquitous chronicle of Maros
mentioned in the introduction, the Goa and Talloq chronicles, Maros royal
genealogies, and oral histories of memorable rulers and events in the past.
The short chronicle of Maros is little more than a genealogy written serially
instead of presented pictorially in the form of a chart or tree. In fact, it was
probably deliberately composed in this way: a genealogy cast in the new
form of a chronicle in imitation of Goa'c chronicle. Its unknown writer even
cites the authoritative source who recounted this genealogy: Gallarrang
Pakere, who answered the writer's questions about the rulers of Maros. There
could have been no better informant about Maros' early history than the local
lord of Pakere, which was the place where the first tumanurung of Maros
descended and thus the birthplace of Maros' ruling line.
The short chronicle of Maros covers only the first six rulers of Maros,
through Tunipasuluq, who ruled in the early 1590s. Later reigns are not discussed,
and the momentous event of the Makassarese conversion to Islam,
beginning in 1605, is not mentioned. These facts suggest that this short chronicle
was originally written at the end of the sixteenth century. However that
may be, sections 2-10 of the Maros Chronicle presented above have the Same
skeletal structure as the early chronicle. Within the longer Maros Chronicle,
these sections form a coherent narrative unit, beginning and ending with the
questions the first chronicler asked and the answers he received from
Reading the Histories ofa Maros Chronicle
Gallarrang Pakere. Almost certainly, then, the late-sixteenth-century chronicle
was one of the sources Daeng Masikki drew upon in composing his
Maros Chronicle, but it was not the only chronicle he used.
I A second major source Daeng Masikki used to construct the Maros
Chronicle was certainly the chronicles of Goa and Talloq. Most obviously, the
first section of the Maros Chronicle is copied word for word from the Goa
Chronicle, only with 'Maros' substituted for 'Goa' (Wolhoff and Abdurrahim
1959:9). The opening invocation, previously reserved for the illustrious rulers l of Goa, the most powerful of the Makassarese polities, was now used to serve
the Same legitimizing and glorifying function for the rulers of Maros.
i Moreover, Daeng Masikki inserted sections borrowed from the Goa and
Talloq chronicles in the skeletal framework provided by the original chronicle
of Maros to flesh out his account of the past. Virtually al1 of section 7 is
taken from the account of Tunipalangga's reign and deeds in the Goa
Chronicle (Wolhoff and Abdurrahim 1959:23). Similarly, portions of section 8
are taken from the account of Tumenanga ri Gaukanna's reign (Wolhoff and
Abdurrahim 1959:56-7,39). Lastly, the account of Karaeng Matoaya's acceptante
of Islam that comprises the end of section 11 and the beginning of section
12 was copied from the Talloq Chronicle (Rahim and Ridwan 1975:15).
I A third source that Daeng Masikki drew upon must have been royal
genealogies from Maros covering the period beginning in the late sixteenth
century. Like the first half of the chronicle, sections 11-18 are structured by
the reigns of the rulers of Maros. The genealogical information recorded serially
in these sections corresponds to that provided by the genealogies of
Maros' rulers in other manuscripts. Each of these eight sections begins and
ends with genealogical information showing the politica1 succession in
Maros over three centuries.
Finally, the Maros Chronicle contains accounts of specific events in the
past that were not recorded in writing but were preserved orally.18 Daeng
Masikki inserted these stories, like the passages taken from the chronicles of
Goa and Talloq; in the framework provided by written genealogies. Sections
2,4,6,11,13,14,15,16, and 18 al1 contain such vignettes. It is likely that these
oral histories, not previously committed to paper, had in a sense been
remembered alongside such written histories as the early chronicle and
genealogies of Maros.19 The recounting of these tales was 'triggered' by a
mention of the names of persons and places they concerned. Even today a
Is At least, they appear to have been preserved only orally, though it is possible that as yet
unread texts contain these tales in writing.
l9 From this perspective, the Bone Chronicle more closely resembles the Maros Chronicle
than the chronicles of Goa and Talloq. For a comparison see Campbell Macknight and Mukhiis
Paeni's unpublished manuscript, 'The Chronicle of Bone'.
reference to the palace of Maros is likely to elicit in one form or another the
history of the origins of the palace built by Patanna Langkana for his wife as
told by Daeng Masikki in section 11. lSimilarly, a mention of the name La
Barania Daeng Palolo in the nineteenth century could easily have called to
mind the story of his victory and rise to power related in section 16. Most
clearly, the long tale of La Mamma Daeng Marewa's internal turmoil and
heroic but dl-fated resistance to Bone in section 15 would have been an
episode that was often recounted and thus remembered generations later.
The Maros Chronicle, in short, was composed by drawing upon a mix of
written and oral accounts of the past.20
There is nevertheless a conceptual unity to the chronicle compiled by
Daeng Masikki from such a diversity of sources. The skeleton of the chronicle
is genealogical, structured by the reigns of and relations between the successive
rulers of Maros from the sixteenth (or late fifteenth) to the late nineteenth
century. The Maros Chronicle is clearly a 'work', in Campbeli Macknight's
sense, which formed a coherent unit in the writer's mind (Macknight 1984).
The composition as a whole is prefaced and given a unitary character by the
opening invocation, a literary paean in archaic Makassarese from an age in
which the spoken word was a powerful magical tool. In borrowing this from
the Goa Chronicle, Daeng Masikki accorded Maros' past the prestige and
honour formerly reserved exclusively for Goa, but which he clearly believed
Maros deserved.
- Within this framework Daeng Masikki attached memories of particular
deeds and events in each ruler's reign. These range from the mythical (if conventional)
account of the discovery of the first tumanurung in section 2 to the
tale of the refusal of La Mamma Daeng Marewa's severed head to pay homage
to the Arumpone of Bone in section 15. Anecdotes of especially. memorable
events like these were passed down orally over the centuries in Maros.
Colourful details of these episodes may wel1 have been altered, elaborated or
reduced by different narrators over the years, but were certainly remembered.
These oral tales were then attached to the written framework of the
past provided by genealogies and chronicles, supplementing and extending
the sparser accounts the written histories provided. The picture of Daeng
Masikki blending specific oral and written sources, melding them together in
the framework of an overall conception of what constituted a satisfying history
of the past, provides the clearest image of how chronicles were conceived
and constructed in South Sulawesi.
The first scholar to emphasize the fluid boundary between oral and written material in
South Sulawesi was Christian Pelras in his 1979 article 'L'oral et l'écrit dans la tradition Bugis'.
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle 25
History-making in a changing present
Up to this point little has been said about the larger social and historical context
in which Daeng Masikki composed his chronicle. Yet, an understanding
of this history is as much dependent upon an insight int0 the era in which it
was composed as the era which it describes. I suggested above that one of the
factors motivating Daeng Masikki in writing his Maros chronicle was pride
in the origins and antiquity of his region and a desire to make its history comparable
to those of Maros' larger neighbours, Goa and Bone. This was not his
sole motivation, however. Like al1 histories of the past, Daeng Masikki's
account is placed in a particular social and historical context. Like any histori,
it was informed by Daeng Masikki's present and can be read as much as
an interpretation of the present as of the past. His Maros Chronicle can be
understood as a response to the dramatic changes taking place in Makassar
in the nineteenth century.
The nineteenth century was a turbulent one in South Sulawesi. Several
major wars pitted the Dutch and their allies against local kingdoms trying to
free themselves from colonial rule - particularly Bone, against whom three
wars were fought. Local feuds were even more frequent, if less widely disruptive.
Rebellions were not uncommon, either, and in Dutch eyes the region
indeed lived up to its reputation as a troublesome region. Against this background
of upheaval, the Dutch colonial government moved progressively, if
unevenly, to rationalize colonial rule and erect administrative structures
capable of organizing the region int0 a united and well-managed corner of
the East Indies - if only on paper. As Heather Sutherland has noted, the effort
to create a regularized colonial bureaucracy in the nineteenth century created
possibilities as wel1 as causing disruption. As territories were amalgamated,
consolidated, given defined borders, and administratively juggled to produce
a more standardized, manageable corner of the Dutch empire, some
indigenous rulers found room to manoeuvre, while others saw their power
and standing eroded (Sutherland 1983; see als0 Pelras 1996).
During this period the status of Maros within Makassar and within the
colonial organization changed. From the mid-sixteenth century on, Maros
was a rice-rich and valuable vassal of Goa. Far enough away from Goa to
retain some autonomy, Maros nevertheless never escaped from the Makassarese
orbit and its politica1 machinations centred at Goa. After the defeat of
Goa in the Makassar War (1667-69), Maros became part of the Northern
Provinces (Noorderprovinciën), which came under direct Dutch rule. in the
early nineteenth century the Northern Provinces formed a sub-residency,
divided int0 twenty-nine regencies, which was headed (in theory, at least) by
a Dutch assistant resident stationed at Maros (Sutherland 1983:172). In fact,
the entire region was in a marginal position. Geographically located between
Bugis and Makassarese territory, it had been a prize for whch rival Bugis and
Makassarese kingdoms had contended many times in the past. There were
als0 numerous ties linking it both to Goa, Maros' ancient overlord, and the
Dutch government. In the politica1 struggles of the nineteenth century, it was
in frontier areas like this that South Sulawesi polities had the greatest freedom
for manoeuvre. Constantly jockeying for dominance over rivals, polities
like Maros recognized in the administrative organization of South Sulawesi
the chance to gain official recognition and Dutch support for their claims and
aspirations. By 1889, when Daeng Masikki wrote his Maros Chronicle, the
rulers of Maros were aligning themselves ever more closely with the Dutch.
It is surely significant that by far the longest section of the chronicle recalled
La Mamma Daeng Marewa's valiant but futile resistance to Bone, the main
obstacle to the colonial govemment's aspirations for unchallenged and stable 1
overlordship over the peninsula during the nineteenth century.
In a world in which Dutch judgements were becoming increasingly 1
important for measuring the relative status of individuals and polities, the
administrative subdivision and ranking of areas in Makassar were more than 1
bureaucratic formalities. By positioning itself astutely, Maros stood to gain I
Dutch recognition of its elevated autonomy and stature vis-à-vis rival Makassarese
polities. In the maelstrom of local politics dominated by questions of
status and relative position, these were important goals. For polities like
Maros, the predominant polity in a border region ostensibly under Dutch
1
control but still actively involved in the politica1 life of Bone and Goa, the late
nineteenth century was a period full of new opportunities. The politica1
i
order was changing. The Dutch had decreed that beneath their overlordship
Goa and Bone were the senior kingdoms of the region, but beneath these
heights there was much room for manoeuvring. The question, however, was
how to capitalize on these possibilities. Here we must consider other changes
occurring in the wake of Dutch attempts to regulate and regularize South
Sulawesi.
A crucial component of Dutch colonial policy was the formation of polities
with distinct boundaries, established politica1 functions, and clear succession
procedures for indigenous rulers. Guided by European cultural
ideas, Dutch officials searched eagerly for information on the antiquity, origins,
and legitimacy of polities throughout South Sulawesi. In this atmosphere
historica1 claims, always a significant force in Makassarese politics,
gained added significance. Those polities that had collections of written historical
texts (lontaraq) possessed documentation that the Dutch considered
vastly more reliable than primarily oral histories. Written histories contained
facts, oral histories contained myths. The greatest beneficiary of this was certainly
Goa, which possessed the most venerable and abundant lontaraq collection.
The greatest losers were those polities that lacked written docuReading
the Histories ofa Maros Chronicle 27
mentation of the past to confirm their status in the present, which slipped
1. int0 obscurity. In between these two poles, the rulers of Maros could not
match the impeccable pedigree of Goa's rulers, but were not without lontaraq
either. Colonial recognition and favours in the present were partially based
on Dutch ideas regarding territory, rights, and succession, which were themselves
partially based on lontaraq. Possession of the past in written documents
was an important indicator of antiquity and, correspondingly, high
status. Before Daeng Masikki wrote his chronicle, Maros only had a short
skeleton chronicle that compared unfavourably with the lengthy chronicles
of Goa and Talloq. Can we see in Daeng Masikki's Maros Chronicle an
attempt to enhance Maros' standing in the world of Makassarese politics? If
so, the mimicry of Daeng Masikki's script takes on added significance.
A leading figure in the collection and publication of Makassarese manuscripts
was undoubtedly B.F. Matthes. Matthes ultimately collected and catalogued
216 Bugis and Makassarese manuscripts for the Nederlandsch
Bijbelgenootschap (Matthes 1875, 1881). What is more important, he pub-
I lished a collection of Makassarese texts that have come to be seen by many
Makassarese as the standard and official versions of the texts concerned. The
first edition of the Makassaarsche chrestomathie was printed in 1860, the second
in 1883 (Matthes 1860,1883). The fact that this work was published - hence
its form as much as its content - is largely responsible for the above perception.
The fact of their being printed gave these texts authority. In an important
sense, then, Matthes' publications became a measuring-stick for judging
Makassarese histories. Daeng Masikki's desire to replicate as much as possible
the printed texts in the Makassaarsche chrestomathie underscores the way
in which the writing of his Maros Chronicle was an act of historiographical
status assertion of a kind that had long pervaded relations between Makassarese
polities but which was now performed in a changing context. More
than the simple expression of personal pride, the writing of the Maros
Chronicle was an act laden with politica1 significance and implications in a
Makassar in process of being consolidated and organized under the umbrella
of the Dutch colonial governrnent. An important account of the past and an
insightful indicator of how Makassarese authors composed chronicles,
Daeng Masikki's Maros Chronicle als0 is a valuable source illustrating the
importance of the past in the turbulent politics of late-nineteenth-century
Makassar.
Conclusion
l Like the Maros Chronicle itself, the history of Maros has lain hidden from
outside observers for many years. Distant from coastal trade roltes, little was
known about Maros except that it was one of the major rice-producing areas
that supported Goa's economy and trade. After the Makassar War, Maros lay
just far enough outside the city of Makassar to figure.little in Dutch reports.
In the twentieth century, the lack of major chronicles from Makassarese areas
outside Goa and Talloq has obscured the politica1 importance of other communities
- particularly Bantaeng, Sanrabone, and Maros - in the writing of
the history of Makassar as a whole.
Daeng Masikki's Maros Chronicle was written, it seems, to defy this
anonymity. His work strove to place Maros on the Same level of importance
as Goa and Talloq. As Dutch missionaries, scholars, and colonial officials
began to systematically collect and preserve texts recording the Makassarese
past in archival collections, the need for a written history may have seemed
especially urgent. In this respect Daeng Masikki's attempt to imitate the font
used by Dutch printing-presses is telling. His chronicle could equal those of
others. It may have been written specifically to enhance Maros' standing in
the arena of status rivalry that characterized Makassarese politica1 life.
Certainly the late nineteenth century was a period when the expansion and
regularization of Dutch colonial mle offered some polities the chance to better
position themselves on the new politica1 map being drawn. But whatever
the author's motivation, and however much the text is a product of the
period in which it was composed, the Maros Chronicle surfaces as an important
source opening up new vistas of the history of Maros, as wel1 as the production
of Makassarese chronicles. For this we must be grateful.
Reading the Histories of a Maros Chronicle
Appendix: The Rulers of Maros
Name Relation to Predecessor Dates of Reign
1. Tumenanga ri Pakere - 1463-151321
2. Sanggaji Gaddong grandson 1513-1524
3. Karaeng Loe ri Maros son 1524-1538
4. Karaeng Patanna Langkana con 1538-1572''
5. Tunikakasang son 1572-1598'~
6. Tunipasuluq no relation (1591 /2-1593)24
7. Karaeng Assakayai Binangaya no relation 1596-164lZ5
8. Karaeng Barasaq con of 7, grandson of 5 1641-1698
9. Kare Yunusu son 1698-1723~~
10. La Mamma Daeng Marewa nephew 1723-1779
11. La Tipu Daeng Mattana con 1779-1827
12. La Mappalewa Daeng Mattayang brother 1827-1854
13. I Mannyadari Daeng Parenreng unknown, but not a direct
descendant 1855
14. I Malalakang Daeng Pawello grandson of 10 1856-1886
15. I Surulla Daeng Palalo con of 13 1886-1889
2' Al1 these dates are from Naskah #4 and Makkasau 1990. The first set of dates, indicating an
exactly fifty-year reign 0f.a mythical founding ruler, is almost certainly a fabrication. The next
two cannot be verified, but could conceivably be accurate.
22 '. The dates of the reign of Patanna Langkana correspond to the dates of the rulers of Goa he
interacted with: first Tumapaqrisiq Kalioma (reigned about 1510-1546), against whom he
fought, and then Tunijalloq (reigned 1565-1590), whom he helped in battle aga$st the Bugis, If
his dates are accurate, this would indicate that the war between Goa and Talloq, with Maros,and
Polombangkeng as 'allies, took place in the late 1530s or early 15405, later than the 1535 date
Bulbeck (1992) suggests.
23 This end date is incorrect. The error stems from Makassarese concerns to exclude Tunipasuluq,
who mled Maros for perhaps two years. Tunikakasang probably died in 1591 or 1592.
24 These dates represent an estimate and are not found in either of the sources listed in note
21 above.
25 The commencement date 1596 may wel1 be correct, since the Maros Chronicle speaks of a
period without a ruler after Tunipasuluq's dethronement. This is also the ruler of Maros listed
as entering Islam in 1605.
26 Another manuscript (ANRI 74/9) listing the kadi of Maros says that the first kadi of Maros
was appointed in 1641. However, his name is given as Kaimuddin (kadi from 164-1673), and
that of his successor as Yusufuddin (kadi from 1673-1718). This also contradicts the Maros
Chronicle claim that Kare Yunusu appointed his con Kare Lame as the second kadi when Kare
Yunusu became mler of Maros. The two sources may not be reconcilable. If Kare Yunusu was
appointed kadi in 1641, this irnmediately followed his father's installation as ruler of Maros.
REFERENCES
Unpublished Sources
ANRI 18/8, Bugis manuscript containing a genealogy of the rulers of Maros,.Arsip
Nasional Republik Indonesia, Wilayah Sulawesi Selatan.
ANRI 18/23, Makassarese manuscript containing the Maros Chronicle, Arsip
Nasional Republik Indonesia, Wilayah Sulawesi Selatan.
ANRI 74/9, Makassarese manuscript containing a genealogy of the kadi of Maros,
Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Wilayah Sulawesi Selatan.
Naskah #4, Makassarese manuscript containing a genealogy of the rulers of Maros. In
author's possession.
Published Sources
Bulbeck, ED., 1992, A Tale of Two Kingdoms; The Historica1 Archaeology of Gowa and
Tallok, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. [Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University.] .
Cense, A.A., and Abdoerrahim, 1979, Makassaars-Nederlands woordenboek, 's-Gravenhage:
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